Master and Mistress

This section focuses on the connotations of the word ‘master’ and ‘mastery’ in comparison to the equivalent feminine term of ‘mistress’. When one uses any of the following terms, one would arguably think of a male being the person being referred to: master builder, master chief petty officer, master mariner, master of ceremonies, master race, master sergeant, master-at-arms. Though the dictionary definitions (Encarta, 1999) are gender neutral, the inclusion of this discussion is contiguous with the previous discussion highlighting the gendered nature of historical constructions of females and males.

The first definition in the dictionary listed for a master is:
a man in a position of authority, for example, over a business, servants, or an animal (Encarta, 1999). Compare this to the first definition listed in the dictionary for a mistress is: a woman with whom a man has a usually long-term extramarital sexual relationship and for whom he often provides financial support (Encarta, 1999). I have placed these definitions here as a base to argue that the word mastery is gendered, as it must stem from the word master, and that mastery is a masculine word (Morritt, 1997; Turkle, 1988).

Granted, the other definitions that are listed of mistress are as follows:
2. a woman who owns or controls something, for example, a woman owner of an estate, head of a household, or employer of servants
3. something that rules or controls, personified as a woman
4. a woman who is highly skilled in a particular activity (Encarta, 1999).
These definitions lend themselves towards the idea of a mistress also having authority and skill acquisition, but it does suggest that authority and expertise are not the dominant traits of a mistress.

In addition, no one has used the words mistress-ery or miss-ery to define women’s expertise.

In the nascent stage of universities, it was believed that women possessed a weak mind and therefore were not suited to academic pursuits (Johnson, 2004). Hence, one could argue that the development of the universal terms to describe undergraduate and postgraduate programmes, namely Bachelor and Master degrees, continue to reinforce the idea that academic achievement and consequent expertise is a masculine domain. The word bachelor is only used in the dictionary to define male men, knights, or seals (Encarta, 1999).

As mastery is defined as expert knowledge or outstanding ability (Encarta, 1999) and expertise is defined as the skill, knowledge, or opinion of somebody who is an expert (Encarta, 1999), I will seek to use the word expertise rather than the word mastery when discussing high levels of skill and competence and qualification.

Capital

I list and explain the forms of capital in this field, then I discuss the capital of each participant, focusing on these four classifications of capital, and then I group the participants together according to their similar capital.

Below, I describe the forms of capital that are arguably valued in this field and esteemed by agents placed in the field.

Regarding economic capital, all of the participants have been provided with equipment including a computer and accompanying hardware and software, along with unlimited Internet access. Tom mentioned that once he exceeded his Internet limit, that the WOW game would player slower than usual. None of the participants mentioned that they had a limit of Internet hours per month, though Joe and Charli mentioned they had limitations on how much time they spent on the computer.

Regarding social capital, as a result of their expertise and their status of being an expert, their standing amongst peers gives them importance, specifically in regard to the field of leisure. Their ability to play games well or do other leisure activities that are valued within the field gives them ‘status’ and distinguishes them from others. By being good at a form of entertainment, they are esteemed because of the value of leisure. It is possible that leisure and entertainment are the most highly valued form of capital in youth culture. Sometimes the participants are not sure that the status of expert is positive.

I now describe the three forms of cultural capital. In order, I discuss the embodied state, the institutionalised state, and the objectified state.

Regarding the embodied state of cultural capital, I suggest that the development of computer expertise comes under this category. Belief in their expertise, and that their expertise is increasing is an ongoing process, and this gives them this cultural capital, which is self-perpetuating as they seek further expertise. Part of the expertise involves being able to negotiate with interfaces that are ever-changing within new fields, as well as negotiate more quickly with interfaces because they become more comfortable with the practice.

Learning (part of trajectory towards expertise) is a form of embodied cultural capital, one that is not recognized by all the participants, and the learning that occurs in this field is arguably not recognized as legitimate by traditional figures. This area will be discussed in more detail in chapter 6.

In regard to the institutionalised form of cultural capital, i.e. attaining a qualification in computing, none of the participants had attained a formal qualification in computers, but all of them had taken computers as a subject in their secondary schooling years (except for Anne, who was expecting to take it in the following 2006 year, missing the first two years of computers as a subject in her high school). Tom had advertisements of computer courses on his bedroom walls. Jake and Joe both discussed their desire to take a tertiary course, but Jake more so in lighting and sound, whereas Joe was interested in a computer programming course, which he hoped to enrol in the following year (2006). Anne had thought about doing a computing degree at university, but expected she would find computer programming boring. She also had asked a young adult male about his job opportunities since obtaining a computer science degree, and was disappointed in his response when he said he had not got a job and there was little to apply for.

The objectified form of cultural capital relates closely to economic capital. The participants own computers, corresponding hardware, various types of software, MP3 players, as well as the agency to buy and download music, and burn CD’s. However, they also have access to an infinite base of knowledge, i.e. the Internet, which is like possessing an infinite number of Britannica Encyclopaedias. Because the encyclopaedias are not material objects per se, the Internet as a resource equivalent to numerous encyclopaedias is a symbolic form of objectified cultural capital. All of these items cannot be attained unless one has the economic capital for purchase.

Regarding capital, some generalizations can be made that apply to all of the participants. I have grouped these sentences together for ease of description, and to help focus attention on the upcoming definitions of expert and expertise.

All of the participants possess the forms of economic capital, social capital, embodied cultural capital, and objectified cultural capital that have been described above. Lisa did not value the social capital of being an expert, but for the others, the social capital they had was valued, because it was socially conferred. They had status amongst their peers and within their family. All of the participants share the demeanour of ‘experimenting’ and engaging with the computer. All of them share a way of talking that corresponds with youth habitus.